Wednesday, September 29, 2010

Time to take owl by the horns

IT’S said if a thief kisses you, count your teeth.

The sooner we grasp the wisdom of this adage, the better given our predilection for not looking gift horses in the mouth. Whether by default or design, it appears we now accept, without question, ‘‘gifts’’ from those who have openly declared their intention to subvert what defines us as a people.

Surely, if we keep this childish innocence, one of these days we will wake up to plain gums with our teeth on display in either London or Washington, the same way Chief Chingaira’s head which was taken to England as a trophy sits in some museum in the bowels of Albion today.

You may wonder what I am fulminating about.
Well, last Wednesday US Ambassador to Zimbabwe Charles Ray officially handed over audio and other digital equipment to Parliament ostensibly ‘‘as part of an ongoing effort to boost the capacity of parliamentarians and promote good governance’’ in Zimbabwe.
Uncle Sam’s destabilising arm, the United States Agency for International Development in conjunction with some outfit called the Southern Africa Parliamentary Support Trust, funded the purchase and installation of the equipment that we were told was meant to ‘‘enhance the documentation and archiving of parliamentary debates and other proceedings in the august house’’.

It is envisaged that the state-of-the-art digital equipment; comprising 211 microphones, loudspeakers and headphones in both houses, microphones and servers in the six committee rooms, recording software, PCs and monitors for use by Hansard reporters; will enable Parliament to improve its ability to make official proceedings accessible to the media and the public.

These are all noble objectives that should be applauded, so what’s the problem? You may ask.

Well, call me paranoid or whatever but for some reason, I cannot help but feel we should sometimes vet some of these equipment donations from erstwhile and avowed enemies instead of rushing to install them in sensitive institutions without question.
Why should Uncle Sam give us this equipment when he can’t even allow us to buy from his companies or those of his allies? What’s in it for him?

For instance some of the planes the AFZ badly needs; the Hawks; have since been grounded, because the West refused to sell, not donate, sell spare parts as part of the sanctions regime. RBZ Governor Gideon Gono ended up printing bearer cheques on bond paper after Germany held on to fully-paid for bank note paper as part of the illegal sanctions regime. The examples are numerous, which is why, I take this ‘‘generosity’’ with a pinch of salt.

A friend of mine, resident in the West said the US has very sensitive unpublicised spy equipment that includes transmitters, cameras, etc that could be embedded in those computers, microphones, and screens to give Uncle Sam a much-needed bird’s eye view and listening post in Parliament.

Since we are virtually in a low-intensity war with Washington, wouldn’t it be prudent to just say “Thanks but no thanks” to some of these donations and lobby either our all-weather friends in the East to “donate” to us or alternatively buy from them if our legislators feel the need to speak through microphones, albeit on empty tummies, when they have heard each other without problems over the years?
And to show that the gift was not politically innocent, Senate President Cde Edna Madzongwe’s presence and comments at the handover ceremony were left out of the report prepared and distributed by the US Embassy Public Affairs Section that only had the voices of Charles Ray, Prime Minister Tsvangirai, House of Assembly Speaker Lovemore Moyo, and USAID Mission Director Karen Freeman.

I rest my case; and now to weightier matters.

It was almost like witnessing a child’s first; be it the first tooth, first step, first syllable, you name it, but our Government finally came of age two weeks back when it said enough is enough to Uncle Sam’s childish, vindictive agenda against public media journalists who are routinely harassed, frustrated or denied visas outright whenever they intend to travel to the UN General Assembly as part of President Mugabe’s delegation.

Happison Muchechetere and I were denied visas last year, and seeing there was not even a whimper from Government, the US embassy consular section tried it with Reuben Barwe this year, and made our news editor re-submit his application several times, and would have got away with it were it not for the formal complaint the Ministry of Foreign Affairs filed with the office of UN secretary general, Ban ki-Moon, that saw Barwe get his visa three days after the departure of the Presidential delegation.

That’s when the US embassy admitted, with a straight face, that even though there was what they called a Presidential Proclamation barring travel of people the MDC fingered for travel restrictions, that proclamation was of no force or effect where the travel pertained to UN business.

These are the same obligations that bind any EU member state hosting a UN Summit. As such the US embassy in Harare was in flagrant violation of international law and was never challenged.
In light of the foregoing, wouldn’t it be prudent for Government to challenge the economic and other forms of sanctions in International Courts since the sanctions; that were imposed outside the purview of the UN and in violation of multilateral pacts like the Cotonou Agreement; are a violation of international law?

Why didn’t the Government take Tony Blair’s regime to court for violating the international law of succession when it refused to be bound by obligations entered into with the Tory administration of Margaret Thatcher?

Why should Government continue calling for the lifting of sanctions, calls that always fall on deaf ears, when it’s clear that those who imposed the sanctions will not move an inch until they achieve the objectives for which the sanctions were imposed?
Why was Trinity Engineering boss, Senator Aguy Clement Georgias left to go it alone in suing the British government over the EU travel ban on Zimbabwean government officials?

Senator Georgias was, in 2005, barred by British immigration authorities from transiting through London to New York where he was to receive an international award on behalf of his company, Trinity Engineering.

The case, which opened at the Asylum and Immigration Tribunal in London on March 14 2008, has since been referred to the European Court of First Instance with Senator Georgias vowing that nothing will stop him from pursuing the case to its logical conclusion.
‘‘I am eminently aware of the technical and procedural obstacles (of such a lawsuit). But these sanctions are having a negative impact on Zimbabwe, more than they infringe upon my individual rights to freely travel and do business wherever I choose.

“The sanctions are a contravention of international public law. It is as clear as daylight that the EU sanctions on Zimbabwe constitute a form of collective punishment on the people of Zimbabwe.
‘‘Now that can’t go unchallenged and I will not be stopped in pursuing my case.

“Someone has to say no to this kind of behaviour in international relations,’’ Senator Georgias said earlier this year.
Before deciding to sue, Sen Georgias had in 2006, written to Joseph Borell Fontells, president of the Council of the European Union; the Lord Chancellor of the British House of Lords, the Speaker of the House of Commons and the Chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee; and Dennis Hastert, then Speaker of the US Congress calling for the lifting of sanctions

Surprisingly, through it all, he was left to go it alone as Government opted to sit back and watch, only periodically calling for the lifting of the sanctions when it’s clear that Westerners will never listen, the same way they continue turning a deaf ear over Cuba despite almost 20 consecutive UN General Assembly resolutions condemning the embargo.

I believe its high time Government not only challenged the legality of these sanctions at international law but also bought into the noble fight launched by Senator Georgias four years ago.
It’s not in our DNA as Zimbabweans to sit back and watch injustice flourish. It’s time to take the owl by the horns.
caesar.zvayi@zimpapers.co.zw


Tuesday, September 28, 2010

Biti: Cutting the bough of one’s perch.

Nathaniel Manheru

A big apology to my readers for not being with them last week.
The editor ordered that I defer to a reader who wanted to exercise her right of reply over an instalment I had made two weeks before. I found the order from the editor just, fair and professional, and thus had no difficulties in complying with it. But the consequence was that I courted your ire, dear reader. You would have none of it, and you said so loudly. You even threatened to demand a refund, worse still, never to buy Saturday Herald ever again. Kwete kani, no matter how long a snake maybe, it never bites its own tail! Bepa nderenyu iri!
The lizard that must visit
This column was never meant to be a monologue, which is why reader reactions must be captured and to the extent possible, get published in the spirit of debate and fairness. After all, a robust column courts an equally robust response, the same way a man who carries an ant-infested log in the home must expect a visit from the lizard. In one formal forum, I argued that in essence, columns managed under pen-names or pseudonyms are traditionally a form of debating license. They are meant to push the vista of debate a little yonder, well beyond the ken of the expected, but without being hamstrung or trammeled by strictures of propriety, prejudice or protocol. The one foible we have as humans is that of debating the man, the woman, never the issue. Columns are journalism’s own ways of ensuring a no-holds-barred debate, ensuring a grappling with, and a full focus on, issues, free from limiting taboos, totems and patents. That way boundaries are crossed, fiery fiords tamed, taboos tested and profaned, all to create an environment more expressive, more permissive to testing and the circulation of ideas.
A little hidebound
Like any society, Zimbabwe is a bit hidebound in certain areas deemed sensitive, too sensitive for the probing mind, let alone the talking tongue. My late grandmother, upon the broaching of such sacred matters, would be on her legs, would look away from the mouth daring this unheard-of abomination before screaming “aah aah, aah”, in utter disbelief and disgust, face intoning with tortuous creases. Subjects like murmuring that mukadzi wasabhuku ane chikomba! If you stumbled on such a horrid find, however true, you never spoke; you even dreaded telling yourself, just in case your bosom might throb too loudly, and you are overheard by an unnoticed passerby.
Mukadzi chaiye!
One such taboo subject matter is the issue of the so-called Matabeleland and claims of its underdevelopment, relative to the rest of the country. While I just fell short of expressly accusing certain elements in leadership – and they are drawn from all political parties - for fuelling negative and potentially destructive sentiments on this one matter, I copiously implied it, which is probably why this matter has attracted such a robust response. I am happy I have been vindicated. The reaction published last week came from Honourable Misihairabwi-Mushonga, herself no small player in the politics of MDC-M, and those of the country. She is a full minister of the inclusive Government and she runs an important portfolio. She seems set to occupy an even higher post in the MDC-M, if vibes reaching me are anything to go by. In her response, she spoke her heart out and I am humbled by her praise of me, albeit one couched in patriarchal parlance I know her to detest. Above all, I am humbled by her honesty, reflecting in the sheer force of her counter-argument. How to return that compliment she gave me, is my quandary. Ndoti murume chaiye here kana kuti mukadzi chaiye? Help me!
A Ndebele of Karanga parentage
That this matter has been festering comes clearly through the Minister’s submission. That it prickles most in the leadership is confirmed by that submission. I happen to know she is not alone, not just in MDC-M, but in all political parties, which is why this taboo subject has to be broken. But she was the courageous one, and used her pen to strain that courage. The odds against her were stupendous, some of them pre-ordained and intrinsic to her nature. She can’t help being a daughter of a “mukaranga”, can she, whatever that pseudo-identity appellation means to her? True, she could have helped not being married to a muzezuru, but didn’t, again whatever that appellation means to her. Yet she took up the “Ndebele cause”, “cause yamadzisekuru”, again whatever that means to her. Her invidiousness becomes immediately obvious: she has to wage an argument against a larger fraction of her own being; she pushes an argument of the heart, against an argument for her parentage, further complicated by her marriage decision. She feels a Ndebele, only of a Karanga parentage.

Feeling forward, falling forward
Therein lies my point: one can feel anything, in spite of oneself, which is why I argue that one might as well feel forward, fall forward – not backward – to borrow Bishop Manhanga’s favourite saying. There is nothing instrinsically Ndebele or Shona, Karanga oe Venda. It is only a feeling, a social construct often contradicted by one’s biological predicates. Feeling forward is to recognize new, progressive forms of social and political foci, forms and dynamics that are really shaping our reality as a neo-colony. Foci that are really shaping our political communities as political parties. Tribe and region are not such. Elections are about numbers. How then does one propose a marker and boundary that brackets out the numbers any political party seeks to capture power? Can MDC-M win on the basis of a “Ndebele” vote, whatever it is, if for once we assume there are people who vote because they are Ndebeles and do vote for a Ndebele party? Is it not instructive that in the business market, tribes and regions melt as all and sundry greedily rush headlong for this totem-less, tribe-less and above-colour thing called money?

Fallacy of comparisons
The point to stress is that Minister Misihairabwi-Mushonga is a perfect sample and answer for settling this senseless and potentially divisive argument. Her whole person brings out the argument’s nonsensical scope, which is why she is fatally mistaken to push for the opposite. Beyond her person, she stammers on social facts, or so she thinks.  She juxtaposes Mpilo and Parirenyatwa General Hospitals, all to show that by comparison, Mpilo and with it, the people of Matabeleland, are hard done by. Curiously, she never compares Mpilo to general hospitals in Gweru, Mutare, Masvingo, etc, etc, which are a drab in comparison, when pitted against both Parirenyatwa and Mpilo. What should one extrapolate from such comparisons? Do these other hospitals have a right to be as aggrieved against Parirenyatwa as does Mpilo, aggrieved against Mpilo as Mpilo herself is against Parirenyatwa? Interestingly all these hospitals were built by Rhodesians. What is the story?
The day Mugabe and Msika clashed
The Minister cannot understand – outside reasons of tribe and region – why the heroes debate has had to be fought over the corpse of Gibson Sibanda, and not any of the other dead, who could not make it to the Acre. An anecdote will suffice. One unhappy Monday, somewhere in this country. I had the distinct misfortune of seating with the leadership, in a fairly exclusive meeting. Dambaza Chikerema, himself a muZezuru according to the minister’s typology, had just died and somehow, the issue of his likely status was broached. President Mugabe was the first to tender his view on the matter, which was decidedly against national recognition of the late departed. Late Vice President Msika disagreed, initially respectfully, later vehemently. But President Mugabe would have none of it and the temperature in the room rose, rose steadily to begin with, before rapidly leaping to furnace degrees. And with it, the once charming complexion of their eyes which gave up for a redder-than-tongs colour of belligerence. The two men squared up, shouting, with each moment of the altercation taking them higher, to a worse, hoarser domain. Soon, titles were dispensed with; then honorific prefixes were the next to go, until it all became “Robert” versus “Joseph”, unadorned.
Rude intellectuals, courageous ignoramuses
We all sat up, not quite sure whether and how to step in, to end this great irruption, this great breach in the national leadership inexorably taking a turn for the worse, worst even. “President”, charged VP Msika, “do you recall that all you intellectuals deserted the struggle when things really got tough – Nkomo included- and it was only me, Nyandoro, Chikerema, Nyagumbo and Tekere who bore the burden of the whole struggle? Mese makatiza muchizviti maintellectuals – vanaStanlake Samkange, vana Enoch Dumbutshena – and you would call us……., to mean ignoramuses, uneducated people driven more by brawn than by brains. You distanced yourselves and people like Chikerema stood firm. You intellectuals!” I cannot recall the actual pejorative word VP Msika used, by which the more courageous, more confrontational, yet less educated part within the nationalist ranks, was known. So angry was VP Msika that he lost his time sequence, forgetting this was about the time President Mugabe was out of the country, still to join the NDP of 1960, after a stint in Ghana. To him that did not matter and Mugabe was part of the continuing arrogance of intellectuals, still undermining of the courageous but “uneducated” fringe within the nationalist ranks.
Sacrifice, consistency, persistency…
The President shot back: “Precisely Joseph, the more reason Chikerema did not have to betray that same revolution towards which he had made such enormous sacrifices. Did he have to join hands with Ian Smith? Throwing bombs at us – in Mozambique, in Zambia – and celebrating about it? And becoming unrepentant about it right up to the end? You know very well, Joseph, that we all agreed in the Party to the principle of “consistency and persistence” as so key to our definition of national hero. You want Chikerema to sleep alongside macomrades avakabhomba? Tigoti tiri kuitei? Dambaza is my cousin and I will go to bury him kwaZvimba. Not kuHeroes Acre. Apo kwete! Inzvimbo yevakarwa hondo – those who sacrificed for the independence of this country, without faltering. Kana zvichizochinjwa nekuti varwi verusununguko vapera, ahh, ndezvimwewo izvo. Tirivapenyu kwete.” VP Msika relented, clearly unconvinced, still simmering at this effrontery of a longtime comrade, and all of us in that meeting were most grateful that the altercation had ended. Obviously Minister Misihairabwi-Mushonga would have never known about this since it was never published. The debate has been on for a long time, with positions taken a lot more complex than bears out the Matabeleland-Mashonaland dichotomy. Chikerema is not a Sibanda. He was the President’s cousin, the same way that the late Reward Marufu was his brother-in-law.       
The beautiful girls from western Zimbabwe
Let me humour the Minister a little. In the early eighties, at the University of Zimbabwe, a raging debate, founded on similar premises. But unlike the present one, that one was full of comic relief and for that, our lot then was happier, so full of laughter, unlike the present generation. If the Minister’s counterpart – Honourable Welshman Ncube – is sincere and can remember the eighties, he will confirm what I am about to narrate. Generally, the western part of our country yielded better girls: more beautiful, more rotund, fairer skinned, than came from the rest of the country. They became the acme of womanhood, the dream of every beauty-seeing and chasing man. In them, brains met beauty, and conquering them became a worthwhile pursuit and enterprise. “Catching” them brought real, lasting fame and we all worked hard for that fabulous eventuality. But they were a hard lot to “catch”, however deep you trawled. They seemed to exist beneath the sea-bed! I have a sneaking feeling that with time, they began to know their worth, and chose to compound it a thousand-fold by flirting and playing hard to get. To our great detriment, we Shona tribesmen!
These “Shona” guys
In the parlance from the western part of the country, we were Shona guys, or worse. You know what word is should insert here which is used to deride those from elsewhere other than the western part! How we became “shona” in love, or in any of its more discreet offices, no one ever quite said. But we lumbered on, that heavy millstone hanging about us, weighing us down, well beneath, and in full face of unrequited love. If you were brainy, that relieved your gloom, somewhat, and you prayed hard that the lecturer would give the class a hard proposition, so girls – hopefully at least a “Ndebele” one amongst them – would come to your room, consulting on the assignment. Breakthroughs were very few, and quite far in between, largely gracing and attending sons of eminent businessmen who could afford the means and flourish. For once loved, you had to be eternally grateful, which is why you had to be well resourced. But that was not the real challenge. Nor was it the Ndebele language, with all the ductility expected of one’s tongue.
An unromantic tribe of fricatives
The real challenge was non-acceptance by the male part of the “Ndebele” clan, instinctively wont to defending the perimeters of their women folk with such ferocity as daunted even the most eager. For much more than selfish, amorous reasons, they could not understand why their “girls” would be so foolish and so faulty as to oblige the hand of a “muShona”. Why Simangaliso, Why? How could you? How do you fall in love with people who say: “Ravhu”, instead of “Love”? How can a language without “L”, itself the first letter of “love”, yield a loving people? “I ravhu you”, is that what you fancy ntombazana? Such an unromantic lot who cannot even produce real cattle for bride price? Only those “goats” from Mashonaland they call “hard mashonas”? And looking at the Shona language, indeed this was true. A language so full of rough fricatives that jar on the tongue which must pronounce love! Looking at mashona cattle, indeed they were small by comparison, tiny in fact to pass for decent currency for bride price! Soon, we realized the only defence open to us was laughter and we would laugh about it, Shonas and Ndebeles alike, all in very good, hearty measure. Of course I never succeeded in winning any such western daughter, much as the heart was pleadingly willing, repeatedly professing “I ravhu you” to so many, but all in vain. And yet a number of my colleagues were successful, and have been happily married ever since. That includes my uncle Mbire who, way back, married a distant cousin of the late Reverend Banana, the Honourable Minister’s own uncle. That girl from Plumtree is still alive, widowed, quite old, wheelchair-bound and happily residing in my village which is predominantly Shona. Mbuya maJoice we call her so affectionately. So much for this whole debate.      
Wailing Biti
Last week Minister Tendai Biti suggested President Mugabe gave him a directive to prepare for elections in next year’s budget. He proceeded to indicate he had to set aside US$200million, a figure he says suffices for the plebiscite, a figure he laments this economy, with its well-publicised anemia, ill affords. He sounded distraught, loudly wailing that precious resources which industry and commerce so sorely need, would, perforce, be foregone by way of this huge election budget. He wailed again in some forum this Tuesday.
MDC-T line of the day
Not to be outdone, the Prime Minister, in his capacity as leader of a faction of the MDC formation, suggested he and the President had agreed on parameters of the next election, against the backdrop of prevailing peace. He claimed they had agreed elections would be held next year, against an undertaking that the loser would not contest the result. It sounded like a self-chastisement, knowing as we do who is in the habit of contesting results, either through frivolous court action or boycotts. The Prime Minister’s statements from South Africa this week appear to show his formation has decided on elections-next-year as its line of the day. And of course the smaller formation of the MDC, that of Mutambara, is rattled to its entrails, kusvika kuhura utete, the small intestines! MDC-M knows that such an election, held “now”, would simply bury it.
MDC-T propaganda poll
But we also saw, in a clear build-up to this “great” line, the release of phony opinion poll results, reportedly culled from a survey commissioned by Alpha Media Holdings, Trevor Ncube’s struggling publishing house, for MDC-T. And you could not lose the sequence. On the day of founding of Rhodesia – 11 September – the MDC-T commemorated its 11th anniversary in Gokwe. Two days later – and fortuitously – AMH opinion pollster releases a result so sweet to MDC-T which had an anniversary the weekend before. Before the anniversary itself, AMH – again fortuitously – had organized a breakfast meeting at which Biti claims the presidential directive on elections. The interlarding of press and politics is so clear to invite any argument. It is called orchestration and given the response from many Zimbabweans, including the business community, it is clear we are still not able to read the shallow drama of politics. You create knots, create a tangle, only to selflessly unravel it, to great relief. Such is politics’ own sense of complication and heightening suspense, themselves features of traditional drama. And both optimize and maximize attention, don’t they, itself the chief goal for an anniversary. A good many are scared, but not all. Let us lay the hard, bare the facts for you.
The directive that was never given, never needed
No directive was issued as none was needed. And when it is needed – and it shall some day – it shall be given to the responsible minister who definitely is not Minister Biti. Read the constitution. You do not need to get lost. The steps for calling for an election, or preparing for one, are so clearly laid out that none need be confused. When Minister Biti sought the President’s audience, all in the name of the budget, clearly he had something on his mind, something linked to the anniversary which his formation was about to hold. It had nothing to do with the President, himself the leader of Zanu (PF), a rival party. Or the budget, itself a Government document. But Biti sought to use the budget and the President – conscript both into the anniversary script of his party. In that meeting he was solicitous, very solicitous. He still is, as late as this Tuesday, not as a minister of Government, but as a functionary of a party, which is why he can’t be spared by this column.
Different forums, same party, same interlocutors
The whole charade at the breakfast meeting with business people had little to do with business. It was all politics, political drama with him as the only protagonist, pitted against his solicitations. The eye was on the anniversary which unfolded against the backdrop of a deep schism. Hence Biti’s histrionics, all calculated towards making an impression at that anniversary. Histrionics which Tsvangirai – his supposed boss – sought to bedim through a rival business meeting held a mere day later, organized by his staff. Can someone explain to me why a Prime Minister and his Minister of Finance – better still a president of a small party and his secretary general – could not share one platform of an event whose interlocutors are the same, from the smallest to the biggest? Open your eyes Zimbabwe and see the small, poor game in town.
Flying the kite
Biti came with false budget papers, themselves a pretext for picking the President’s brains on a partisan political matter. The President – an old dog that has seen all tricks – decided a day of little play with a naughty puppy. Poor Biti got a mechanical answer, steeped in the law about which he claims competence. What does the GPA say, asked the President, in an apparent answer? This is what set the minister and his party agog, what got the President to shape the faction’s agenda. Enjoy it. Later Biti sought to try again by broaching the matter yet again, elsewhere, and again he fell flat on his face, meeting with stolid indifference. But hey, it’s been a boon for Zanu (PF). Once thrust into panic mode, the formation has gone into overdrive, laying bare most of its weaponry. It is called flying the kite.
Don’t want, can’t want
If truth be told, MDC-T does not want an early election, cannot want it. It is at its most disorganized, its most fractious. The election jingo is an attempt to rally its scattered troops, giving them some little focus. Its negotiation team – and Biti is a member – long told both Zanu (PF) and MDC-M that they do not want an early election, earlier than 2013, adding given who their foreign customers are, they would rely and depend heavily on Zanu (PF) and MDC-M to block elections. Meanwhile their local customers would not want early elections, preferring to give time for the tender “shoots” of the economy to grow and strengthen. They have to be placated. Against this bind, the responsibility for wanting or not wanting to have elections can never come from MDC-T, or be owned by it. MDC-T can only blame the other parties, preferably Zanu (PF), for wanting or not wanting elections. As things stand, Zanu (PF) is expected to deny or confirm the so-called directive, and either way, it gives MDC-T a face, albeit without saving it, power without corresponding responsibility.
So many odds, so little ends
MDC is a divided party, badly divided to a point of splitting up. That is one odd. It is not an organic party and Copac activities have done so well to expose its lack of organizational depth. That is another odd. It is a party on the wane, precipitously so, which is why it fled to Gokwe it deems a more hospitable temporary shelter. The unwritten story behind the fatal accident which claimed three lives is the fact of bussing supporters from outside Gokwe, all to make an impression. The four and half thousand who attended is just about the party’s national shrinkage mathematically. And Trevor’s MDC survey confirms this. “Many” people interviewed, if any interviews were sampled at all, declined to say who they would vote for, something the formation is worrying about. Yet another odd. MDC-T has courted new opponents, and is likely to lose the western Zimbabwe vote which shall be shared between Zanu (PF), itself, Zapu and MDC-M. This will have a marked impact on the final outturn. Yet, yet another odd.
Dump squib at Gokwe
Judging by messages on which the formation sought to sell itself in Gokwe, clearly, it is struggling for credible claims. So wont to seek votes on how bad and misgoverning Zanu (PF) “is”, the party finds itself in Government and what is worse, giving a frightening glimpse of what it would do if let closer to the till. Lots of thieving going on. And all this is before one even considers what Zanu(PF) and other parties will do to enhance their electability. A party with a strategy and a message can never yield a leader who goes all the way to South Africa for a British Economist organized seminar to tell his frantic British investor audiences that indigenization will proceed on “willing-seller-willing-buyer” premises. Such a British concept? Such a discredited concept? From a party claiming to have dug a hole and spat out its misdeeds, spat out the British evil spirit that sits it? My goodness! How harder can one cut the bough one sits on? Icho?

     -End-               

Wednesday, September 22, 2010

Find happy way of differing

IT is said fire once teased snarls all the way to ash. Put simply, violence begets more violence. As such, there is always need to nip the practice in the bud whenever there is any inclination or tendency towards barbarism anywhere, anytime.

All progressive people, no doubt, expect the police to descend heavily on the elements that disrupted the Parliamentary Constitutional Select Committee outreach meetings in Harare, and the political parties also need to censure any of their members involved in the melee.

It, however would be so easy to blame the violence that flared up at Copac meetings in Harare on misguided party activists, but to me the problem lies squarely with the three main political parties — Zanu-PF, MDC-T and MDC — driving the process.

I cannot single out any one party because to me all the three parties are to be blame for reducing the national constitution-making process to a mere academic exercise that has Copac teams going around Zimbabwe to hear pre-determined party positions in village after village, ward after ward.

What then was the point of going around the country using resources we can ill-afford if the parties knew that the outreach teams were simply going to record what the powers that be at the Zanu-PF headquarters, Harvest House and Mutambara’s hide-out in Hillside would have transmitted down party structures?

Why didn’t the parties just adopt the Kariba Draft, which they co-authored and endorsed on every page?

And with reports indicating that the picture emerging from the 5 500 meetings held throughout the country so far, the envisaged new constitution would just be another edition of the Kariba Draft, I humbly ask whether it was really necessary to expend scarce resources on what is turning out to be a mere academic exercise, resources that could have been used to bankroll capital projects?

I am not saying there is anything wrong in political parties seeking to ensure that their talking points are captured by the outreach teams, for any party worth its salt would want the electorate to subscribe to its worldview, however, the problem comes when party activists resort to violence to drive their point home.

So to me, the violence witnessed at Copac meetings in Harare at the weekend can be laid squarely at the doorstep of the three main political parties that have reduced outreach meetings to inclusive rallies where activists vie to shout each other down instead of speaking their minds like free-thinking Zimbabweans, making it a mockery of the exercise itself.

What is now evident is that leaders of the respective parties have clearly not educated their supporters that outreach meetings are not platforms for debate but information gathering sessions.

They also failed to educate their supporters that outreach programmes should not be turned into campaign platforms, since views on the constitution are supposed to be gathered from every Zimbabwean regardless of political affiliation.

It is, however, within the power of the three main political parties to ensure that the Harare outreach is completed without incident when next it is carried out. We also ask, why just Harare?

The party leaders should stand up to be counted.

The threats the MDC-T leadership has been issuing that they may campaign for a "No Vote" in the referendum or boycott the next election are a manifestation of failure of leadership.

What the nation expects to hear is strong admonishment of the violence and not self-serving posturing that tars one party while portraying another as a conclave of saints when it takes two to tango.

The readiness with which the pro-MDC online news sites and privately-owned media sought to lay the blame on Zanu-PF’s doorstep to the exclusion of MDC-T even as police were still to conclude their investigation implies that MDC-T may have something to hide.

The question is: why were the 5 500 meetings held throughout the country so far largely incident or violence free only for the violence to flare up in the so-called MDC-T stronghold of Harare, when even Bulawayo did not have such disturbances?

One analyst said the way the outreach programme went on in the rural areas, Bulawayo and Harare is indicative of the presence or absence of consensus on the talking points of the dominant political party or parties in each zone.

The outreach in the rural areas, he said, was largely incident free because people were united behind the Zanu-PF talking points to do with safeguarding the country’s independence and sovereignty, economic empowerment, the land reform programme and the gay rights issue; while Bulawayo was largely incident free because, the majority in the province are said to be sold to the talking points of Dumiso Dabengwa’s Zapu with the violence in Harare said to be indicative of the turf battle between Zanu-PF and MDC-T.

Whatever the explanation, the party or parties behind the disturbances need to be told in no uncertain terms that the trait that distinguishes man from other primates is the possession of speech and the ability to use it to solve differences

The inclusive Government is a transitional arrangement that is there to ensure an environment of socio-economic and political stability pursuant to holding fresh elections that no one can dispute.

The constitution-making process is a significant milestone in that journey, which is why the importance of ensuring that it is not tainted by anything that may give any of the parties an excuse to refuse to be bound by the outcome of the resultant elections can not be over-emphasised.

It is high time we all realised that the envisaged new constitution was the missing link in pursuit of uncontested poll outcomes, and it is only through holding fresh elections under the new constitution that those who have made a habit out of contesting every election result can be silenced.

The enormity of the challenges to be overcome requires collective efforts even among belligerents, for it is only through dialogue that we can identify the supreme view which can be incorporated into our country’s supreme law.

The results from such a challenge should cascade down to the ordinary people, who at the end of the day are the beneficiaries of a well crafted and people driven constitution.

caesar.zvayi@zimpapers.co.zw

Monday, September 20, 2010

Perpetuating, celebrating a myth

Wednesday, September 15, 2010

AS TINY tots in the dusty fields of Chikwaka communal lands in Goromonzi, for want of recreation, we used to pre-occupy ourselves with various improvised games and hand-me-down rhymes whose origins or real meaning were lost to our innocent heads, but which served to justify the designs of the settler regimes that had imported them to our part of the world.

One such rhyme went, ‘‘Christopher Columbus was a great man, he went to America in a sauce pan, he went to Umtali, Umtali and over…’’ or something to that effect, which was a celebration and perpetuation of the myth of the heroism and greatness of the Spanish explorer who was in fact a villain to any sane man of colour.

Granted, Columbus is one of only two men honoured by having a federal holiday named after him in the United States today, a distinction he shares with Dr Martin Luther King Jr.

But the irony of the honour lies in the contrasting causes of these two men. Dr King fought racial prejudice and slavery; while Columbus not only opened the Atlantic Slave Trade but also launched a wave of genocide against the indigenous population of the Americas.

What is more? Columbus never even set foot in what is present day USA as his four voyages took him from Spain to the Caribbean, and back to Spain though through it all he was under the illusion that he was in Asia as he mistook Cuba for Asia, South America for a mere island, and the coast of Central America as part of mouth of the Ganges, one of Asia’s biggest rivers.

And having failed to achieve his intended objective of finding a way west from Europe to set-up a trade route with the east, Columbus sought to justify his voyages by promising to return to Spain with vast quantities of gold, when he failed to deliver on that promise, he settled on ship-loads of slaves starting the Great Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade that was to last four centuries.

And this is the man we lauded as a great man from deep inside our distended bellies as we raised dust with cracked feet in Chikwaka communal lands.

Well, I was reminded of this age of innocence after seeing pictures of celebrations held to mark the MDC-T’s 11th anniversary at Gokwe Centre, where the self-styled ‘‘party of excellence’’ was celebrating 11 years of fighting for ‘‘real change’’ in Zimbabwe when in fact what they have meant to the ordinary person has been change for the worse on account of plummeting livelihoods due to the ruinous economic sanctions they courted and Nichodemously celebrate today.

What MDC-T leaders have been fighting for is not change but the preservation of the pre-2000 status quo that had black people owning the flag, and the whites owning all the wealth represented by the green and yellow bands on that flag. That can’t be worth celebrating.

In fact, it is said that it was no coincidence that the MDC was launched on September 11 1999, just 24 hours before the 109th anniversary of the day the Pioneer Column set foot in Mashonaland and hoisted the Union Jack at Fort Salisbury proclaiming Mashonaland and its environs as a colony of the British Queen.

Sources say the launch was supposed to be on the 12th but it happened to fall on a Sunday which is why the organisers settled on the 11th, a Saturday to give their supporters time to return to their various bases in Zimbabwe before the start of a new week.

This is plausible given that the MDC launch heralded the revival of the Rhodesia shall never die spirit in white farmers manifest in the Nicole brothers proclaiming, as they wrote out cheques to a beaming Tsvangirai at Little England in Banket, that they were investing in the MDC.

That investment was the reason Fidelis Mhashu had no qualms telling the whole world, on BBC HARDtalk, that the MDC would return land to white former farmers if it assumed power.

Therefore, to me, MDC-T supporters who gathered in Gokwe were no different from the innocent children who lauded Columbus in blissful ignorance of the heinous crimes he committed against them and their own.

The MDC was contrived in London and launched to champion the interests of white former commercial farmers. And in 10 years, MDC leaders have not given the nation reason to doubt otherwise.

As Professor Jonathan Moyo put; the MDC-T had nothing to celebrate in Gokwe as its sustenance over the past 11 years had nothing to do with mass appeal but everything to do with the designs of Western think-tanks and the donors who held the purse strings.

Contrary to one Obert Gutu’s fulmination that the MDC-T has won the battle for the hearts and minds of Zimbabweans; what the MDC managed to win in previous polls was the battle of the stomach manifest in transient protest votes that can never be counted on in successive elections.

Such votes can not be compared to the Zanu-PF vote, rooted in ideologyy, that even hunger could not snuff out. A vote that so baffled establishment writer, Peta Thorncroft, who in an interview with one Violet Gonda of the pirate radio station SW Radio Africa expressed surprise at the support Zanu-PF continues to enjoy countrywide:

‘‘I wonder if we ever knew what it (the MDC) was. We just accepted it, didn’t we?... I think I just accepted that the MDC had been cheated at the elections and that this was a party that had the majority support in the country and it was only long afterwards that I discovered that in fact of course Zanu-PF had enormous support in certain rural parts of the country.

‘‘I first saw that demonstrated to me in the March elections of 2005, I was actually astonished by that and it is in my copy. I then saw it again demonstrated in the Budiriro by-election when 4 000 people continued to vote for Zanu-PF and it was quite a peaceful by election.

"They were just as short of fuel, water and electricity as all the other people in Budiriro. And I think that I realised that I hadn’t taken into consideration that Zanu-PF was an old established party, which despite its appalling lack of democracy and its top-down style of doing business — because of the liberation struggle and the propaganda it’s been able to feed everyone — it does genuinely have support.’’

That enduring support is why Tsvangirai failed to win outright, even in an environment of unprecedented hardships, in the virtual absence of an economy.

The other lie that was repeated ad nauseum at the anniversary celebrations, and which was picked up by Obert Gutu in his fawning piece in NewsDay was that Tsvangirai and the MDC had won the last elections, and that the MDC was now the biggest party in Zimbabwe in terms of popular support.

I would be remiss to let such wishful assertions go unchallenged.

For the record all the MDC-T had to show in the last election was a one-seat advantage over Zanu-PF in the House of Assembly, whereas Zanu-PF had a six seat advantage over the MDC-T in the Upper House of Parliament, the Senate.

While we know that the House of Assembly is considered the centre of legislative power, all who are familiar with parliamentary business can testify that there is nothing the House of Assembly can do without the approval of the Senate which is supposed to provide quality control on Bills from the Lower House. Though in the event of a dispute, the Lower House carries the day after a certain specified time period, MDC-T simply does not have the numbers to do that.

For those not in the know, MDC-T won 99 seats to Zanu-PF’s 98 with MDC — led by Arthur Mutambara — getting the other 10 seats. In the Senate, Zanu-PF garnered 30 of the 60 seats on offer with MDC-T getting 24 and MDC 6. Even when looking at the popular vote, Zanu-PF beat MDC-T in both houses amassing 45,94 percent of the vote to MDC-T’s 43,56 in the Senate; and 45,94 percent to 42,88 in the House of Assembly suffrage.

Put simply, more people voted for Zanu-PF than MDC-T in 2008.

And though Tsvangirai led President Mugabe in the first round of the presidential contest, he knew he couldn’t repeat that feat in the run-off once Simba Makoni, who played spoiler in the first round, had been removed from the equation.

It is important to note that Zanu-PF’s share of the popular vote excluded the two House of Assembly and Senate constituencies it won unopposed in Muzarabani and Rushinga constituencies.

It is simply inconceivable for Tsvangirai or his minions, to continue claiming to have won the presidential election let alone the general election when these figures speak for themselves.

Judging by the results of the two houses of Parliament, Zanu-PF, MDC-T and the MDC shared power which is why they do so in the inclusive Government.

My problem with the MDC-T leadership is their attempt to revise our history and launder their destructive engagement of the past decade as a quest for democracy and human rights when its clear as day that they were conniving with the erstwhile coloniser against the people.

The prudent thing for the party’s leadership is to change their ways in line with their mantra.

The people who gathered in Gokwe did nothing more than ignorantly celebrate a myth, the way we did in Chikwaka communal lands many, many years ago.