Wednesday, October 19, 2011

The bird that borrowed plumage


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Wednesday, 19 October 2011 00:00
By Caesar Zvayi
Morgan Tsvangirai
 Aesop, a slave and storyteller believed to have lived in ancient Greece, has a collection of fables that prove invaluable for the moral education of children, and even adults to this day.
Many of the stories, such as The Boy Who Cried Wolf, the Goose That Laid The Golden Eggs and The Ant and the Grasshopper are so well-known that they have spawned clichés.
In three of the fables, the raven or crow is a central character, embodying flippancy or stupidity.
One tale has it starving while waiting for figs on a fig tree to ripen, while in another it was so vain that it sought to become king of the birds on the strength of borrowed feathers.
It is, however, soon shamed when the owners of the feathers pluck them off leaving it stark naked.
Having spent the first 10 years of my life in rural Goromonzi, I also witnessed firsthand some of the cerebral paucity of this bird of carrion that inspired some of Aesop's tales.
A crow would wipe off a nest of eggs under the eves of a rondavel and bury them in the field but would only eat the last stolen egg, as it would have forgotten where it would have stashed the earlier loot.
The mystery of the missing eggs would be unravelled when farmers break the clod for the summer cropping season, as ploughs turn the rotten eggs up by the dozen.
MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai reminds me of this bird of carrion given his predilection for remembering the words of his very last counsel and perspiring to preside over this nation on the back of borrowed robes, the robes of Albion.
Nowhere was this more evident than in his conflicting pronouncements over the indigenisation and economic empowerment programme.
Here are graphic examples.
On May 4 this year, during a dinner convened to discuss Zimbabwe's future on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Cape Town, South Africa; Tsvangirai had this to say about the indigenisation and economic empowerment programme:
‘‘Across the political divide, citizenship empowerment is a policy and we are committed to ensuring the majority of Zimbabweans' participation in the economy. It is not an expropriation strategy or a nationalisation policy but it's a voluntary piece of legislation.
"There is nothing new about Zimbabwe's indigenisation programme. China has such laws and so are many other countries. What we just need to do is explain our laws better.
‘‘Investors must understand that it's in their interest for Zimbabweans to be empowered and they must view this as an opportunity and not a problem. When Zimbabweans are empowered it means their (foreign investors) investments are secure because if people are economically disenfranchised it is not good for business in the long-term.
‘‘The asset underground has value. Gone are the days when investors could get claims for free. Zimbabweans are no longer satisfied with surviving on taxes and royalties but they want equity,'' Tsvangirai, speaking in his capacity is Prime Minister, said.
And we thought the man's plodding feet had finally arrived.
Fast forward to October 16, venue Marondera's Rudhaka Stadium, occasion an MDC-T rally.
Morgan Tsvangirai had this to say:
‘‘We are totally opposed to this programme being undertaken by (Minister of Youth Development, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Saviour) Kasukuwere and Zanu-PF. There are some people who are moving around saying: ‘indigenisation, indigenisation'. How can you implement a party programme wakavanda neGovernment?
"Yedu programme is a jobs plan, ndeye mabasa. We cannot have a society where 90 percent of our children are not employed. Our plan is of jobs and starts by encouraging investment. Our plan is not to take from
Peter to pay Paul. We cannot have another situation like what happened with the land reform, taking away from a few whites and giving to a few blacks."
Amazing, simply amazing! Where do I start?
Well the clue to Tsvangirai's apparent confusion lies in the WikiLeaks revelations that he remembers the advice of his last counsel.
In Cape Town, I am reliably informed that he was sitting next to Youth, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Minister Saviour Kasukuwere prior to taking the podium, while at Rudhaka Stadium he had Ian Kay and Obert Gutu.
I am sure if, by any chance Kasukuwere had been the last man to speak to him before his address in Marondera, Tsvangirai would have repeated his Cape Town theme and we would have applauded thinking that Damascene moment had endured, that the man had arrived.
But alas, Cape Town was further evidence, that Christopher Dell had Morgan all figured out. He needs massive handholding for consistency.
But that is not my main point today, my point is Tsvangirai's insistence that we be a nation of workers not entrepreneurs, that jobs are more important than owning the means of production.
It is however, not surprising why Tsvangirai thinks like that, that is prioritising jobs over matters of national owenership.
He did the same in the early 70s as he was holed up in Mutare, just a walking distance from the border with Mozambique, as other young men his age trudged the night from places as far as Muzarabani to cross into Mozambique to join the liberation struggle.
Tsvangirai, instead, opted to swim against the current, journeying further north to join Trojan Nickel Mine in Bindura. All to improve on the Z$5 for a 40-hour week (around US$8 at the time), that he claimed his family needed so badly.
This is all captured in his book, Morgan Tsvangirai At The Deep End.
"In the textile industry we worked long hours, were seriously underpaid and never enjoyed our rights as workers. I started off on a wage of Z$5 for a 40-hour week (around US$8 at the time). With that money, a single person could hardly afford the bare necessities of life, let alone maintain a large family, especially in an urban area, or send money to half-starved relatives in the rural hinterland . . . It was tough to be a first child and a man in a black African family. Our fathers eagerly bequeathed responsibility for our siblings to us. Many took early retirement, leaving the eldest son with the care of the entire family at an early age," Tsvangirai says in his book.
As we say in Shona, shiri ine muririro wayo haiurege (a bird will always have the same song on its beak).
Here he is again, prioritising jobs over national empowerment, all at the ripe middle age of 59 when age is supposed to have come with wisdom.
While harping about jobs, that his party systematically worked to destroy through the ruinous economic sanctions it grovelled for and condones to this day, Tsvangirai conveniently forgets to tell us who we should be working for to get those jobs.
It, however, does not need a rocket scientist to fathom. We have to work for the white baas, as exemplified by Roy Bennett who butters Tsvangirai's bread. In his mind; white capital must run the show and give us wages and salaries.
That is his idea of empowerment.
Contrast this with what President Mugabe had to say, during his visit to Zimplats to launch the Community Share Ownership Trust that released US$10million to the surrounding community 48 hours prior to the MDC-T rally.
President Mugabe said the indigenisation and economic empowerment programme aimed to address the previous colonial exclusion of indigenous people from mainstream economic activity.
‘‘The policy seeks to broaden the economic base by involving the majority indigenous Zimbabweans in meaningful and gainful economic activity, thus giving greater meaning to our independence and self- determination.
"The majority shareholding underlines the principle of sovereign ownership by the State, on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe of the natural resources of the land. It restores the identity of the indigenous people as the rightful owners of the land and its resources,'' President Mugabe said. And here, dear reader, is what next year's election is all about.
Defending your right over your resources or ceding them to outsiders to become mere hewers of wood and drawers of water; or to put it bluntly, chattel slaves to the likes of Eddie Cross of the "crash and burn" fame.
The battle lines are drawn as it were; let's wait and see if we strive to be Aesop's proverbial crow, that starved while waiting for figs to ripen, or whether we are the irate birds that saw beyond the plumage and give the impostor bird a hiding of a lifetime.

Wednesday, October 12, 2011

Know, keep your side of the street

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By Caesar Zvayi
Roy Bennett (left) and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. The MDC-T leader — who has always had bad Octobers — did something commendable; dropping his insistence on having Roy Bennett, the ex-Rhodie security services man sworn in as deputy minister of agriculture, mechanisation and irrigation development


Archbishop Desmond Tutu, in his book, ‘‘God is not a Christian'', narrates a hilarious story of a drunkard who could not comprehend the reality around him partly because of the befuddling brew he had partaken and partly because of poor understanding of his society and context.
The story, that was narrated by the now retired Anglican Archbishop during his visit to Birmingham, England in 1989, pertained to a guzzler who crossed the street and accosted a pedestrian, asking him, albeit on unsteady legs, "I shay, which ish the other shide of the shtreet?"
The pedestrian, somewhat nonplussed, replied, "That side, of course!" The drunk said, "Shtrange.
‘‘When I wash on that shide, they shaid it wash thish shide." Tutu goes on to say; the other side of the street depends on where we are.
Our perspective differs with our context, the things that have helped to form us; and religion is one of the most potent of these formative influences. To this I would add the politics in the home, around us. It helps us determine how and what we comprehend of reality and how we operate in our own specific context.
I had a friend in real life. A college mate and a friend on facebook till a few weeks back when he unfriended me on political grounds. We related on everything else except politics. He is what I would call a political virgin, with a Polyanna way of looking at political developments. I, however, understood where he was coming from. His parents had been corroborators during the war, rooted for Muzorewa during Zimbabwe-Rhodesia and after 1980 joined every fly-by-night political party upto the MDC.
He grew up on a diet of transient politics, no grounding, no ideology and could go with the wind, wherever it took him. While I do not know much of MDC-T leader, Morgan Tsvangirai's upbringing and am quite reluctant to buy the glorified account in his "memoirs'', I can hazard a guess. His upbringing had a lot to do with how he turned out politically. That upbringing explains why he couldn't brave the liberation struggle like other youngsters his age. It defines him today.
Over the years, Tsvangirai has acted like Tutu's proverbial drunk who can't tell which side of the street he is walking on and has to depend on others for direction. And as the leaked US diplomatic cables recently revealed; he depends on others even for the words that come out of his mouth.
This week, however, the MDC-T leader - who has always had bad Octobers - did something commendable; dropping his insistence on having Roy Bennett, the ex-Rhodie security services man sworn in as deputy
minister for agriculture, mechanisation and irrigation development.
I hope the decision to drop Bennett, who the Rhodesian lobby in MDC-T considers their Great White Hope, signifies a new ethos in the way Tsvangirai approaches politics and national issues.
The liberation struggle that brought the democracy that enables the likes of Tsvangirai to partake in national politics today was largely fought over land and all that reposes on and in it.
Bennett and other members of the Rhodesian Security Services not only fought against that, but are guilty of murderous excesses as exemplified by the mass graves in and around Zimbabwe and the bones that continue to wail from Chibondo today.
How Tsvangirai continued insisting on nominating Bennett to oversee the agriculture portfolio at a time evidence of Rhodesian atrocities was being brought to the surface at Chibondo everyday just showed he did not know which side of the street he was on. He was out of step with national sensitivities.
What is more? The MDC-T is synonymous with a reversal of land reforms and Tsvangirai's insistence on having Bennett; an ex-commercial farmer in the agriculture ministry only served to reinforce that position. Just like his decision to choose the Dutch Embassy for refuge during the run-up to the presidential runoff served to solidify his western lackey image when he could have chosen any of the African embassy's he passed on the way to the Royal Netherlands Embassy. All this served to underline Tsvangirai's paucity of judgement.
Be that as it may, Tsvangirai did well by dropping Bennett. The MDC-T had made Bennett a major outstanding GPA issue, now that he is off the list; I hope the MDC-T leaderships' focus goes to the real outstanding issues. Chief among them western meddling in our internal affairs, the pirate radio broadcasts and the ruinous economic sanctions all of which westerners instituted to try to abet the MDC cause.
MDC-T leaders, who always cry foul over alleged failure to implement the GPA, can do their part by joining the anti-sanctions lobby. Euphemisms do not serve any purpose, we do not have ‘‘restrictive measures'' but ruinous, illegal, unjustified economic sanctions that, in the words of former US assistant secretary of state for African affairs Chester Crocker, were imposed in a bid to make the economy scream. And scream it did as innocent people wailed.
Lives were lost, livelihoods were destroyed, dreams were shattered and pensions were wiped out. All these were great crimes against the innocent, prioritising the likes of Bennett over one's injured kith and kin is the stuff of drunks.
Lets hope henceforth, Tsvangirai will stop asking the likes of Charles Ray which is the other side of the street.
Whenever you see the likes of Roy Bennett on it, Mr Tsvangirai, it is the other side, go back to the right side.

Know and keep your side of the street

The Herald PDF Print E-mail
By Caesar Zvayi
Roy Bennett (left) and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. The MDC-T leader — who has always had bad Octobers — did something commendable; dropping his insistence on having Roy Bennett, the ex-Rhodie security services man sworn in as deputy minister of agriculture, mechanisation and irrigation development
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, in his book, ‘‘God is not a Christian'', narrates a hilarious story of a drunkard who could not comprehend the reality around him partly because of the befuddling brew he had partaken and partly because of poor understanding of his society and context.
The story, that was narrated by the now retired Anglican Archbishop during his visit to Birmingham, England in 1989, pertained to a guzzler who crossed the street and accosted a pedestrian, asking him, albeit on unsteady legs, "I shay, which ish the other shide of the shtreet?"
The pedestrian, somewhat nonplussed, replied, "That side, of course!" The drunk said, "Shtrange.
‘‘When I wash on that shide, they shaid it wash thish shide." Tutu goes on to say; the other side of the street depends on where we are.
Our perspective differs with our context, the things that have helped to form us; and religion is one of the most potent of these formative influences. To this I would add the politics in the home, around us. It helps us determine how and what we comprehend of reality and how we operate in our own specific context.

I had a friend in real life. A college mate and a friend on facebook till a few weeks back when he unfriended me on political grounds. We related on everything else except politics. He is what I would call a political virgin, with a Polyanna way of looking at political developments. I, however, understood where he was coming from. His parents had been corroborators during the war, rooted for Muzorewa during Zimbabwe-Rhodesia and after 1980 joined every fly-by-night political party upto the MDC.
He grew up on a diet of transient politics, no grounding, no ideology and could go with the wind, wherever it took him. While I do not know much of MDC-T leader, Morgan Tsvangirai's upbringing and am quite reluctant to buy the glorified account in his "memoirs'', I can hazard a guess. His upbringing had a lot to do with how he turned out politically. That upbringing explains why he couldn't brave the liberation struggle like other youngsters his age. It defines him today.
Over the years, Tsvangirai has acted like Tutu's proverbial drunk who can't tell which side of the street he is walking on and has to depend on others for direction. And as the leaked US diplomatic cables recently revealed; he depends on others even for the words that come out of his mouth.
This week, however, the MDC-T leader - who has always had bad Octobers - did something commendable; dropping his insistence on having Roy Bennett, the ex-Rhodie security services man sworn in as deputy

minister for agriculture, mechanisation and irrigation development.
I hope the decision to drop Bennett, who the Rhodesian lobby in MDC-T considers their Great White Hope, signifies a new ethos in the way Tsvangirai approaches politics and national issues.

The liberation struggle that brought the democracy that enables the likes of Tsvangirai to partake in national politics today was largely fought over land and all that reposes on and in it.
Bennett and other members of the Rhodesian Security Services not only fought against that, but are guilty of murderous excesses as exemplified by the mass graves in and around Zimbabwe and the bones that continue to wail from Chibondo today.

How Tsvangirai continued insisting on nominating Bennett to oversee the agriculture portfolio at a time evidence of Rhodesian atrocities was being brought to the surface at Chibondo everyday just showed he did not know which side of the street he was on. He was out of step with national sensitivities.
What is more? The MDC-T is synonymous with a reversal of land reforms and Tsvangirai's insistence on having Bennett; an ex-commercial farmer in the agriculture ministry only served to reinforce that position. Just like his decision to choose the Dutch Embassy for refuge during the run-up to the presidential runoff served to solidify his western lackey image when he could have chosen any of the African embassy's he passed on the way to the Royal Netherlands Embassy. All this served to underline Tsvangirai's paucity of judgement.
Be that as it may, Tsvangirai did well by dropping Bennett. The MDC-T had made Bennett a major outstanding GPA issue, now that he is off the list; I hope the MDC-T leaderships' focus goes to the real outstanding issues. Chief among them western meddling in our internal affairs, the pirate radio broadcasts and the ruinous economic sanctions all of which westerners instituted to try to abet the MDC cause.
MDC-T leaders, who always cry foul over alleged failure to implement the GPA, can do their part by joining the anti-sanctions lobby. Euphemisms do not serve any purpose, we do not have ‘‘restrictive measures'' but ruinous, illegal, unjustified economic sanctions that, in the words of former US assistant secretary of state for African affairs Chester Crocker, were imposed in a bid to make the economy scream. And scream it did as innocent people wailed.
Lives were lost, livelihoods were destroyed, dreams were shattered and pensions were wiped out. All these were great crimes against the innocent, prioritising the likes of Bennett over one's injured kith and kin is the stuff of drunks.
Lets hope henceforth, Tsvangirai will stop asking the likes of Charles Ray which is the other side of the street.
Whenever you see the likes of Roy Bennett on it, Mr Tsvangirai, it is the other side, go back to the right side.